State senator for the 52nd District, a Republican. In the Senate since the 2012 session.
A bill counts for the member who was its chief sponsor last. Shells, bills filed to be amended into something else later, count only once they pass a chamber. How these are measured
On November 6, 2026, day 304 of its term, beside 14 earlier sessions on the same day of theirs.
Bills as chief sponsor: 37; on the same day of earlier terms, from 28 (2015) to 42 (2025).
Passed their chamber: 41%; on the same day of earlier terms, from 16% (2014) to 42% (2024).
Became law: 16%; on the same day of earlier terms, from 3% (2020) to 24% (2013).
Carried from the other chamber: 0; on the same day of earlier terms, from 0 (2012) to 0 (2012).
Bills co-sponsored: 23; on the same day of earlier terms, from 9 (2019) to 71 (2020).
In the 2026 session.
Also a member of Appropriations, Education, Judiciary, Division B, Labor, Ports and Marine Resources, Public Health and Welfare and Tourism.
Each term's bills, those the member was last chief sponsor of and those carried from the other chamber. Each term leads to a page of its bills.
2026 Regular Session, Senate37
6 became law · 9 passed the Senate · 22 not past the Senate · 23 co-sponsored
2025 Regular Session, Senate42
7 became law · 7 passed the Senate · 28 not past the Senate · 24 co-sponsored
2024 Regular Session, Senate38
6 became law · 10 passed the Senate · 22 not past the Senate · 21 co-sponsored
2023 Regular Session, Senate41
3 became law · 6 passed the Senate · 32 not past the Senate · 18 co-sponsored
2022 Regular Session, Senate30
6 became law · 5 passed the Senate · 19 not past the Senate · 19 co-sponsored
2021 Regular Session, Senate35
6 became law · 6 passed the Senate · 23 not past the Senate · 14 co-sponsored
2020 Regular Session, Senate36
1 became law · 6 passed the Senate · 29 not past the Senate · 71 co-sponsored
2019 Regular Session, Senate34
5 became law · 2 passed the Senate · 27 not past the Senate · 9 co-sponsored
2018 Regular Session, Senate29
5 became law · 4 passed the Senate · 20 not past the Senate · 14 co-sponsored
2017 Regular Session, Senate36
2 became law · 4 passed the Senate · 30 not past the Senate · 11 co-sponsored
2016 Regular Session, Senate41
4 became law · 1 vetoed · 9 passed the Senate · 27 not past the Senate · 12 co-sponsored
2015 Regular Session, Senate28
4 became law · 3 passed the Senate · 21 not past the Senate · 22 co-sponsored
2014 Regular Session, Senate32
4 became law · 1 passed the Senate · 27 not past the Senate · 19 co-sponsored
2013 Regular Session, Senate34
8 became law · 3 passed the Senate · 23 not past the Senate · 24 co-sponsored
2012 Regular Session, Senate35
4 became law · 5 passed the Senate · 26 not past the Senate · 37 co-sponsored
Each term's bills, scored the way the Center for Effective Lawmaking scores every state legislator, beside what a member in the same place would be expected to score. A term still sitting is scored as it stands.
On each scale, a dot is another member of the chamber that term, the shaded band is about as expected, and the triangle marks the middle member.
2026 · Senate: 1.3 times what was expected, about as expected, for a senator in the majority, chairing a committee, in a fourth term; the middle senator scored 0.9 times; 52 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2008.
2025 · Senate: 1.2 times what was expected, about as expected, for a senator in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a fourth term; the middle senator scored 0.8 times; 46 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2008. Committee chairs are not counted: Mississippi publishes who chairs only for the session sitting.
2024 · Senate: 1.3 times what was expected, about as expected, for a senator in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a fourth term; the middle senator scored 0.9 times; 46 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2008. Committee chairs are not counted: Mississippi publishes who chairs only for the session sitting.
2023 · Senate: 1.0 times what was expected, about as expected, for a senator in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a third term; the middle senator scored 0.8 times; 49 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2008. Committee chairs are not counted: Mississippi publishes who chairs only for the session sitting.
2022 · Senate: 1.1 times what was expected, about as expected, for a senator in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a third term; the middle senator scored 0.6 times; 49 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2008. Committee chairs are not counted: Mississippi publishes who chairs only for the session sitting.
2021 · Senate: 1.4 times what was expected, about as expected, for a senator in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a third term; the middle senator scored 0.6 times; 46 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2008. Committee chairs are not counted: Mississippi publishes who chairs only for the session sitting.
2020 · Senate: 0.8 times what was expected, about as expected, for a senator in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a third term; the middle senator scored 0.6 times; 46 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2008. Committee chairs are not counted: Mississippi publishes who chairs only for the session sitting.
2019 · Senate: 1.3 times what was expected, about as expected, for a senator in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a second term; the middle senator scored 0.6 times; 48 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2008. Committee chairs are not counted: Mississippi publishes who chairs only for the session sitting.
2018 · Senate: 1.4 times what was expected, about as expected, for a senator in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a second term; the middle senator scored 0.7 times; 48 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2008. Committee chairs are not counted: Mississippi publishes who chairs only for the session sitting.
2017 · Senate: 1.1 times what was expected, about as expected, for a senator in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a second term; the middle senator scored 0.6 times; 48 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2008. Committee chairs are not counted: Mississippi publishes who chairs only for the session sitting.
2016 · Senate: 2.2 times what was expected, more than expected, for a senator in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a second term; the middle senator scored 0.5 times; 50 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2008. Committee chairs are not counted: Mississippi publishes who chairs only for the session sitting.
2015 · Senate: 1.8 times what was expected, more than expected, for a senator in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a first term; the middle senator scored 0.5 times; 48 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2008. Committee chairs are not counted: Mississippi publishes who chairs only for the session sitting.
2014 · Senate: 1.8 times what was expected, more than expected, for a senator in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a first term; the middle senator scored 0.7 times; 48 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2008. Committee chairs are not counted: Mississippi publishes who chairs only for the session sitting.
2013 · Senate: 2.9 times what was expected, more than expected, for a senator in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a first term; the middle senator scored 0.7 times; 48 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2008. Committee chairs are not counted: Mississippi publishes who chairs only for the session sitting.
2012 · Senate: 2.7 times what was expected, more than expected, for a senator in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a first term; the middle senator scored 0.6 times; 50 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2008. Committee chairs are not counted: Mississippi publishes who chairs only for the session sitting.
Co-sponsorships, given and drawn, with the other party, set among the members of the same party in the chamber that term.
On each scale, a dot is another member of that party, and the triangle marks the middle one.
2026 · Senate: 15% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican senator, 11%.
2025 · Senate: 9% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican senator, 10%.
2024 · Senate: 12% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican senator, 7%.
2023 · Senate: 6% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican senator, 8%.
2022 · Senate: 14% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican senator, 9%.
2021 · Senate: 8% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican senator, 12%.
2020 · Senate: 15% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican senator, 9%.
2019 · Senate: 32% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican senator, 11%.
2018 · Senate: 5% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican senator, 17%.
2017 · Senate: 8% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican senator, 17%.
2016 · Senate: 31% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican senator, 18%.
2015 · Senate: 30% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican senator, 26%.
2014 · Senate: 22% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican senator, 20%.
2013 · Senate: 20% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican senator, 21%.
2012 · Senate: 18% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican senator, 24%.
A bill counts for the member who was its chief sponsor last. A shell, a bill introduced to "make a technical change" so that it can be amended into something else later, counts once it has passed a chamber; until then it counts for no one.
Each term's score counts a member's bills at five steps: filed, acted on in committee, out of committee, passed their chamber, and became law. At each step a member's bills are taken as a share of all the chamber's, and the shares are added up, so that the chamber's average member scores 1. This follows the Center for Effective Lawmaking's method in outline. It differs in two ways: it counts every bill alike, where the Center weighs some as more significant than others, and it does not count shells that never moved, which the Center counts as bills.
What was expected of a member is worked out from the members of the same chamber and term: whether they were in the majority, whether they chaired a committee, and how many terms they had served in that chamber, counted from 2008, where l9n's records begin. About as expected is between half and one and a half times that. A term still sitting is scored as it stands that day, and will move.
Across the aisle counts the co-sponsorships between a member and the others in their chamber, those they gave and those their bills drew, and how many were with the other party. Each member is set among their own party, because the minority party crosses more.